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Cottage Life

How the federal government’s affordable housing strategies will affect buyers and sellers

On April 7, the federal government released its 2022 budget, which included strategies designed to tackle Canada’s housing crisis, including the lack of affordable housing. Low inventory combined with high demand has driven up housing prices across the country, says a Royal LePage report. In the first quarter of 2022, the price of a single-family home in Canada increased by 25.1 per cent to $856,900.

The cottage market has seen similar effects. In 2021, the national aggregate price of a single-family waterfront home jumped 21.5 per cent to $976,000, according to a Royal LePage report.

“Young people cannot imagine being able to afford the house they grew up in,” reads the 2022 budget. “Foreign investors and speculators are buying up homes that should be for Canadians to own. Rents in our major cities continue to climb, pushing people further and further away from where they work.”

To fill the housing demand, Finance Canada and the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation estimate that the country will need to build 3.5 million new homes by 2031. To achieve this goal, the federal government has committed $72 billion in financial support over the next six years towards its affordable housing plan.

The plan’s strategies range from a Home Buyers’ Bill of Rights to tax credits for first-time home buyers. But not everyone’s convinced these strategies will accomplish the federal government’s goal of making housing more affordable.

“[The plan] will not lower housing prices,” says Frank Clayton, a professor at the Toronto Metropolitan University’s Centre for Urban Research and Land Development, in an email. “The best they can do is to slow down price growth over a longer term.”

Clayton does, however, say that he thinks the budget’s Housing Accelerator Fund could be effective. The fund commits $4 billion over the next five years to support the housing development needs of municipalities. How municipalities use the money is flexible, but the goal of the fund is to create 100,000 new housing units over the next five years.

The budget includes a long list of other strategies. To get a better understanding of how the government’s plan will affect buyers and sellers, here’s a breakdown of the key strategies:

A tax-free first home savings account

The budget will introduce a tax-free savings account to help Canadians with the down payment on their first home and ultimately create a more affordable housing strategy. The account will function similar to an RRSP with tax-deductible contributions, and, similar to a TFSA, withdrawals will be non-taxable.

Prospective first-time home buyers will be able to save up to $40,000, with an $8,000 maximum annual deposit. The federal government says it plans to launch the Tax-Free First Home Savings Account in 2023.

Doubling the First-Time Home Buyers’ Tax Credit

On top of the tax-free savings account, the federal government has doubled the First-Time Home Buyers’ Tax Credit to $10,000 in an effort to assist with the significant closing costs associated with buying a home. The tax credit applies to homes bought on or after January 1, 2022.

Creating a Home Buyers’ Bill of Rights

The federal government has pledged to create a Home Buyers’ Bill of Rights to eliminate real estate practices it feels are driving up prices. This includes cottage real estate, not just homes. The two practices the government is targeting are buyers having to forgo property inspections to make their offers more desirable and blind bidding.

The federal government says it will work with provinces and territories to make home inspections a legal right while phasing out blind bidding altogether. Blind bidding is the default practice real estate agents use across Canada when they engage in a multi-offer scenario. It requires buyers to bid for a property without knowing the size of competing offers. In certain circumstances, it can cause a buyer to significantly overbid, inflating the property’s selling price.

But Katie Steinfeld, broker of record for real estate agency On The Block, says that eliminating blind bidding might actually drive up real estate prices. “A lot of buyers, their argument is when they’re in a blind bidding situation, they don’t want to go up any higher because they don’t know what the next highest offer is. They don’t want to overpay,” she says. “But if they know what they need to pay in order to get the home, that can push them up even higher.”

Steinfeld sides with professor Frank Clayton, saying that many of the federal government’s housing policies don’t speak to one another. If Canada wants to see affordable housing, it needs a lot more new inventory than what was proposed in the 2022 budget, she says, especially since the government has opened up its immigration policy and is planning to welcome over 400,000 new immigrants each year.

A two-year ban on foreign investment in Canadian housing

While foreign investment doesn’t play a major role in cottage country, the federal government has argued that it is pricing Canadians out of homes in urban centres, such as Vancouver and Toronto. That’s why the 2022 budget proposes a regulation that would prohibit all foreign commercial enterprises and non-permanent residents from buying residential property for two years. It has yet to be announced when this regulation would go into effect.

Steinfeld, however, argues that the federal government is aiming its restrictions at the wrong group. According to the Canadian Housing Statistics Program, 2.2 per cent of residential properties in Ontario were owned by non-residents in 2020, and 3.1 per cent in B.C. Whereas multiple-property owning Canadians made up 31 per cent of Ontario’s residential real estate market in 2020 and 29 per cent in B.C., with many of the properties used as rentals.

“That is much more significant than the foreign investment piece,” Steinfeld says. “I think that if they would have created policies to require increased down payment from [multiple-property owning Canadians], perhaps that might have had more of an impact versus just banning foreign buyers altogether.”

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Mobile Syrup

Millions spent on Huawei equipment could see telecom companies asking for compensation

In the latest on the Huawei saga in Canada, Global News is reporting Canadian telecom companies spent more than $700 million installing equipment while a decision on the legality of the company remains unknown.

The federal government has not ruled if it will ban the Chinese telecom giant because of national security concerns. The company told Global News roughly $300 million worth of equipment that would connect phones to networks was sold in 2018. Nearly $300 million worth was sold in 2019 and $100 million in 2020.

The National Post reported on November 26 that Bell and Telus asked the federal government to pay for the equipment the carriers installed, and a ruling against Huawei means the equipment will have to be replaced. Global News now says “multiple telecommunication companies” have asked for compensation and a decision will soon be made.

Image credit: ShutterStock

Source: Global News

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Mobile Syrup

Hot off election, Liberals promise to introduce three internet regulation bills

Attention all you Canadian digital policy wonks — this fall and winter are shaping up to be your seasons.

That’s because, over the next few months, Canada’s newly re-elected Liberal government is expected to introduce — or in some cases, revisit — three pieces of legislation that could significantly change the landscape of the Canadian internet.

For context, the Liberal party’s 2021 election platform included a promise to act on 10 pledges within the first 100 days of being sworn into office (which is expected to happen sometime in October).

Three of those pledges, as The Globe and Mail reports, would be pretty major adjustments to Canada’s existing internet rules.

Pledge #1: Expand the Broadcasting Act to include streaming services (Bill C-10)

First introduced back in November 2020, Bill C-10 would expand the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC)’s jurisdiction to include media sharing and streaming platforms like Netflix, YouTube and Spotify.

The thinking behind the bill is that the CRTC’s existing rules about the creation and production of Canadian content should also apply to these online platforms.

For example, Bill C-10 could require a company like Netflix to ensure its catalogue always contains a certain amount of Canadian content, and direct a percentage of its production funds towards supporting Canadian films and online series.

Bill C-10 made it all the way up to the Senate, but all formal parliamentary discussion of the legislation paused after the federal election was called in August — though the bill itself was discussed in several of the federal parties’ election platforms.

Still, debate continues over how user-generated content would be handled under Bill C-10, and many experts remain wary that the new legislation could give the CRTC too much power.

Pledge #2: Create new rules to reduce “harmful online content” (Bill C-36)

The Liberals’ online harm legislation, Bill C-36, was introduced this summer right before the election kicked off.

The bill identifies five categories of “harmful online content” that the government would address via the creation of multiple new regulatory bodies.

The five categories are “terrorist content,” “content that incites violence,” “hate speech,” “child sexual exploitation content,” and the “non-consensual distribution of intimate images (NCDII).”

While there’s yet to be any Parliamentary discussion of the legislation, the University of Toronto’s Citizen Lab recently published a letter addressed to the Department of Canadian Heritage commenting on the measures proposed in Bill C-36.

In the letter, the interdisciplinary policy research group urged the government to “rewrite the proposal from the ground up.”

Among several concerns raised by the lab was the fact that the five categories of harmful online content identified by the government “have little in common, beyond the fact they are illegal, and even then, the relevant legal analysis and basis for illegality is completely unique to each.”

The Citizen Lab recommends that “at the very least, the proposed measures should be broken up into two or more separate pieces of legislation,” in order to fully address the specific legal and ethical concerns related to each.

Pledge #3: Require that digital news-sharing platforms support Canadian media

The third pledge is a piece of brand new legislation that should be introduced in coming months, provided the Liberal party keeps its aforementioned 100-day promise.

The bill would force online platforms that turn a profit from the publication and sharing of news content — think Google, Facebook and Twitter — to redirect some of that revenue to Canadian news media outlets.

According to the party’s election platform document, the legislation aims to “level the playing field between global platforms and Canadian news outlets.”

Image source: Wikimedia Commons

Source: The Globe and Mail