Catégorie oBox : BuzzNews

Donald Trump declared that Benjamin Netanyahu will not be arrested during any visit to the United States, forcefully rejecting recent comments from New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who said he is exploring whether the city has the legal authority to act on an arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court. Trump made his position clear in a Truth Social post, arguing that no effort to detain the Israeli prime minister would succeed while he is on American soil. The statement comes as debate continues over the ICC’s November 2024 warrant accusing Netanyahu of war crimes and crimes against humanity related to the war in Gaza. Although the warrant remains in effect for countries that recognize the court’s jurisdiction, the United States is not a party to the Rome Statute that established the ICC. In addition, visiting heads of government are generally protected by diplomatic and head-of-state immunity under U.S. and international law, making any local attempt to arrest Netanyahu highly unlikely.

Trump defended the Israeli leader while criticizing Iran and dismissing the possibility of any legal action against Netanyahu in the United States. In his Truth Social message, the president wrote: «Benjamin Netanyahu will not be arrested, in any way, shape, or form, while in the United States of America. He is fighting against the Islamic Republic of Iran, which recently killed 52,000 innocent protestors, and has spent the last 47 years killing American Soldiers, and others.» Trump then shifted his criticism toward Tehran’s leadership rather than the Israeli prime minister, adding: «The only ones that should be arrested are the people that led Iran into this unprecedented SPIRAL OF DEATH AND DESTRUCTION, something that should have been dealt with years ago, by previous Presidents!» His comments underscored the administration’s continued support for Netanyahu despite ongoing international legal proceedings and renewed criticism from some American political figures.

«Whatever the law allows me to do in New York City, that’s what we will do.»

-New York City Mayor, Zohran Mamdani

Trump’s statement came after Mamdani revealed that his administration is examining what authority, if any, New York City possesses regarding the ICC warrant. Speaking on The New York Times podcast, the mayor said he believes Netanyahu belongs before the international court in The Hague and confirmed that the city’s Law Department is reviewing the issue. While acknowledging that the legal process is still being examined, Mamdani pledged to pursue any authority available to him, saying: «Whatever the law allows me to do in New York City, that’s what we will do.» He has repeatedly referred to Netanyahu as a «war criminal» and the «architect of the genocide» against Palestinians in Gaza, arguing that the ICC warrant should be respected. His remarks immediately triggered criticism from supporters of Israel, while others questioned whether a municipal government has any role in enforcing an international arrest warrant.

Legal experts have largely dismissed the possibility that New York City could arrest Netanyahu, pointing to several constitutional and diplomatic barriers. The United States does not recognize the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court because it is not a party to the Rome Statute, meaning ICC arrest warrants are not automatically enforceable under U.S. law. Even if an ICC warrant exists, visiting heads of state and heads of government are generally protected by diplomatic and head-of-state immunity while traveling in the United States. Authority over foreign leaders also falls under the federal government rather than state or municipal officials. For that reason, legal scholars have argued that any decision involving an international dignitary would rest with federal agencies such as the State Department and the Secret Service, leaving local officials with virtually no independent authority to execute such an arrest.

Additional legal protections would apply if Netanyahu traveled to New York to attend meetings at the United Nations headquarters in Manhattan. Under the U.N. Headquarters Agreement between the United States and the United Nations, foreign representatives traveling to official U.N. functions receive protections designed to ensure their ability to participate in diplomatic activities without interference from local authorities. Former city and state officials have also noted that the mayor of New York has no independent power to enforce an international arrest warrant against a foreign leader. New York Governor Kathy Hochul has previously indicated that matters involving international diplomacy and foreign officials remain under federal jurisdiction. Those legal realities have led many experts to conclude that, regardless of Mamdani’s political position, there is no practical mechanism for New York City to detain Netanyahu during an official visit.

«Benjamin Netanyahu will not be arrested, in any way, shape, or form, while in the United States of America. He is fighting against the Islamic Republic of Iran, which recently killed 52,000 innocent protestors, and has spent the last 47 years killing American Soldiers, and others.»

-U.S. President, Donald Trump on Truth Social

The dispute nevertheless highlights the widening political divide inside the United States over the war in Gaza and Washington’s relationship with Israel. Since the ICC issued its arrest warrant in November 2024, governments around the world have adopted sharply different positions on whether it should be enforced. Trump has consistently rejected the legitimacy of the court’s actions against Israeli officials and has remained one of Netanyahu’s strongest international supporters, particularly following the recent conflict with Iran. Mamdani, meanwhile, has argued that international law should be applied regardless of a leader’s position or nationality. While the legal consensus suggests Netanyahu faces little risk of arrest during any visit to the United States, the public exchange between the president and New York City’s mayor has intensified an already heated debate over the reach of international justice, diplomatic immunity and the role of American institutions in responding to ICC decisions.

France has enacted one of Europe’s most sweeping restrictions on children’s access to social media, barring anyone younger than 15 from creating or maintaining accounts on major platforms. Approved by both chambers of Parliament on July 21, the legislation places France at the forefront of a growing international campaign against the digital risks facing younger users. The measure is intended to shield children from addictive recommendation systems, cyberbullying, disrupted sleep, harmful content and mounting psychological pressures associated with prolonged online exposure. It also makes France the first European Union country to adopt a blanket national restriction of this kind, following Australia’s earlier decision to prevent children under 16 from holding social media accounts. Emmanuel Macron has promoted the initiative as a defining child-protection policy of his final years in office, arguing that governments can no longer leave platforms responsible for determining how young people experience the online world.

Under the new framework, social media companies will be responsible for preventing children younger than 15 from opening accounts and for identifying existing profiles that do not meet the age requirement. New registrations are expected to be blocked beginning Sept. 1, while platforms will receive an additional enforcement period to verify the ages of current users and deactivate accounts belonging to children covered by the ban. Companies will need to rely on approved age-assurance systems, potentially involving independent verification providers or privacy-protective digital identity tools, rather than simply asking users to enter a birth date. Although widely used services such as TikTok, Instagram, Snapchat and X are clearly expected to fall within the law, the treatment of platforms combining social networking with messaging or video services may depend on how their individual features are classified. Educational resources, scientific services and certain open-source platforms are expected to remain accessible.

«We are banning social media for under-15s and we are going to ban mobile phones in our high schools. I believe this is a clear rule – clear for our teenagers, clear for families, clear for teachers.»

–French President, Emmanuel Macron

The legislation extends beyond social media by prohibiting mobile phone use throughout French high schools, expanding restrictions that previously focused largely on younger students. Supporters say the combined measures establish a clear boundary between education and the constant stream of notifications, personalized feeds and online interactions competing for teenagers’ attention. French health authorities have warned that many adolescents spend several hours each day on smartphones, while studies have associated intensive social media exposure with sleep deprivation, reduced self-esteem, anxiety, depression, loneliness and online harassment. Macron has repeatedly accused technology companies of exploiting the vulnerabilities of developing minds, declaring: «The brains of our children and our teenagers are not for sale. Their emotions are not for sale or to be manipulated, neither by American platforms nor by Chinese algorithms.» He later praised the vote by stating: «France is leading the way in Europe when it comes to protecting our children and teenagers.»

France’s legislation is also being viewed as a possible blueprint for broader regulation across Europe. European institutions have already been examining whether a continent-wide framework should gradually limit minors’ access to social media, with stronger safeguards introduced as children grow older. While no EU-wide ban has been adopted, officials have increasingly questioned whether existing digital regulations go far enough to protect young users from addictive algorithms and harmful online content. The French law is therefore expected to influence upcoming discussions in Brussels, particularly as policymakers debate whether age verification standards should become mandatory across the bloc. Supporters argue that a harmonized approach would prevent children from bypassing national restrictions by simply using platforms based elsewhere in the European Union, while critics caution that any future legislation must carefully balance child safety with privacy and fundamental digital rights.

Outside Europe, governments have adopted sharply different strategies while pursuing many of the same objectives. Canada has introduced Bill C-34, known as the Safe Social Media Act, which would establish a minimum age of 16 for social media accounts. Unlike the French model, however, the proposal includes a significant exception allowing platforms to serve younger users if they can demonstrate to a new Digital Safety Commission that their services are built with robust child-protection measures. The proposed legislation also extends beyond traditional social media by applying to AI chatbot services, reflecting growing concerns over rapidly evolving digital technologies. The bill has nevertheless encountered substantial criticism from legal scholars and digital rights advocates, who argue that restricting an entire age group from online platforms could conflict with the protections for freedom of expression guaranteed under Section 2 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

«The brains of our children and our teenagers are not for sale. Their emotions are not for sale or to be manipulated, neither by American platforms nor by Chinese algorithms.»

–French President, Emmanuel Macron

The United States has taken a far more fragmented approach, with Congress largely unable to reach consensus on nationwide restrictions. At the federal level, the principal law remains the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act, which focuses primarily on limiting the collection of personal data from children under 13 rather than restricting platform access. In the absence of federal action, states including Florida, Texas, Utah, Ohio and California have advanced their own legislation requiring parental consent or stricter age verification. California has become the focal point of the national debate by targeting algorithm-driven features instead of imposing a complete ban. Measures such as SB 976 seek to restrict personalized recommendation feeds, autoplay functions, endless scrolling and overnight notifications for minors, while lawmakers continue debating additional proposals inspired by the broader restrictions adopted in countries such as Australia and now France. Technology companies and civil liberties organizations have challenged many of these laws in federal courts, arguing that broad age-verification requirements and limits on access raise significant First Amendment and privacy concerns. Macron has defended France’s approach as both simple and necessary, saying: «We are banning social media for under-15s and we are going to ban mobile phones in our high schools. I believe this is a clear rule – clear for our teenagers, clear for families, clear for teachers.»

Donald Trump has granted Saudi Arabia one of the most consequential nuclear concessions ever offered by Washington to a Middle Eastern partner, approving a civilian atomic cooperation framework that could eventually allow the kingdom to enrich uranium inside its own borders. The agreement, expected to run for 30 years, could be announced as early as Wednesday and would rely heavily on American companies to provide the reactors, technical expertise and industrial support required to build the Saudi program. Unlike the strict arrangement previously negotiated with the United Arab Emirates, however, the Saudi pact does not require Riyadh to permanently renounce uranium enrichment or the reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel. That omission represents a major break from the so-called «Gold Standard» traditionally promoted by U.S. non-proliferation officials and has immediately raised concerns that civilian infrastructure could one day provide the kingdom with capabilities relevant to building a nuclear weapon.

Under the proposed framework, Saudi Arabia would not receive enrichment technology immediately, but the agreement would establish a path toward producing nuclear fuel domestically. A joint American-Saudi economic study would first examine whether local enrichment could be commercially justified, after which an American-built facility could be developed inside the kingdom if the project receives approval. U.S. companies, including Westinghouse, are expected to compete for contracts connected to as many as 16 planned nuclear reactors, giving Washington an opportunity to keep Chinese and Russian suppliers away from one of the world’s largest emerging atomic-energy markets. The agreement also reportedly contains two classified side letters that the administration intends to keep private because they include proprietary commercial information and national security material. Critics say the secrecy surrounding those documents makes it difficult for lawmakers and the public to understand exactly what restrictions, monitoring systems and enforcement mechanisms will govern the Saudi program.

The International Atomic Energy Agency

The safeguards surrounding the arrangement have become one of its most controversial elements. Riyadh has not accepted the International Atomic Energy Agency’s Additional Protocol, which allows inspectors broader access and permits unannounced visits to sites that may not have been formally declared. Instead, the Saudi program would operate under more limited standard inspections, supplemented by a separate bilateral monitoring system negotiated between Washington and Riyadh. Non-proliferation specialists warn that this structure could create a dangerous «black box» in which significant decisions are handled privately rather than through a more transparent international framework. The concern is especially acute because Mohammed bin Salman has openly tied Saudi nuclear ambitions to Iran’s behavior. The crown prince previously warned that if Tehran obtained a nuclear weapon, Riyadh would respond in kind, a position critics believe makes any domestic enrichment capability far more sensitive than an ordinary civilian energy project.

The geopolitical implications of the agreement extend well beyond Saudi Arabia’s civilian energy ambitions. The United States and Israel have spent years seeking to prevent Iran from expanding its uranium enrichment program, arguing that the technology could eventually be diverted toward military purposes. Critics now contend that Washington is embracing a contradictory approach by opening the door for Saudi Arabia to pursue a similar capability under an American-backed framework. Those concerns have intensified because the kingdom has repeatedly linked its long-term nuclear strategy to Iran’s actions. Mohammed bin Salman has publicly stated that Saudi Arabia would seek its own nuclear weapon if Iran successfully developed one, a warning that many analysts view as central to assessing the risks associated with any future enrichment program. The debate has also been fueled by Saudi Arabia’s growing defense relationship with Pakistan, whose officials have previously suggested their country’s nuclear arsenal could be made available to Riyadh should regional security deteriorate significantly.

Another significant departure from previous U.S. policy involves the diplomatic conditions attached to the agreement. Earlier negotiations under both Republican and Democratic administrations generally linked advanced nuclear cooperation to broader regional objectives, including the normalization of diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel. That requirement has reportedly been dropped after Saudi leaders maintained they would not establish formal ties with Israel without meaningful progress toward the creation of a Palestinian state. The new framework therefore separates civilian nuclear cooperation from the broader Middle East peace process, giving Riyadh access to American nuclear technology without requiring a parallel diplomatic breakthrough. Supporters argue that keeping the Saudi program anchored to American companies is strategically preferable to allowing China or Russia to dominate the kingdom’s nuclear sector. Opponents, however, warn that abandoning long-standing negotiating conditions grants Saudi Arabia significant geopolitical concessions while reducing Washington’s leverage over future regional diplomacy.

A mandatory 90-day review

The agreement is expected to move forward under Section 123 of the U.S. Atomic Energy Act, the legal framework governing civilian nuclear cooperation between the United States and foreign governments. Once the administration formally submits the text to Congress, lawmakers will have a mandatory 90-day review period to examine its provisions. Although members of both parties have already expressed concern about nuclear proliferation and the precedent established by abandoning the traditional «Gold Standard», stopping the agreement would require Congress to pass a joint resolution of disapproval by a veto-proof two-thirds majority in both chambers. Because Donald Trump is expected to veto any attempt to block the pact, many observers believe the legislation faces long odds unless an unusually broad bipartisan coalition emerges. As a result, what supporters describe as a landmark commercial and strategic partnership is increasingly being viewed by critics as one of the most consequential shifts in American nuclear non-proliferation policy in decades.

A federal appeals court has rejected Joe Biden’s attempt to stop the release of roughly 70 hours of audio recordings and transcripts from private interviews conducted with the ghostwriter of his memoirs. In a 2-1 decision issued on July 20, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit ruled that the public interest in the material outweighs Biden’s privacy concerns. The majority concluded that the former president still has a legitimate expectation of privacy but said that concern can be addressed through careful redactions before the recordings are released. The decision marks another legal setback for Biden as the long-running dispute over the recordings moves closer to becoming public. Although the court authorized their eventual release, it temporarily paused enforcement of its ruling until Aug. 3, giving Biden’s legal team additional time to seek review from either the full appeals court or the U.S. Supreme Court before the audio is turned over to Congress and the public.

The majority opinion was written by Judges Sri Srinivasan and Gregory Katsas, who concluded that the remaining privacy concerns did not justify keeping the recordings secret. The judges wrote that the remaining «incursion on personal privacy… does not outweigh the public interest in disclosure.» They determined that sensitive personal information could be protected by removing limited portions of the recordings rather than withholding the entire collection. Judge Florence Pan, who dissented, reached the opposite conclusion. She argued that Biden maintained a significant privacy interest because the conversations took place entirely inside his private home and were later obtained during a criminal investigation that ultimately resulted in no charges. Pan said the circumstances surrounding the interviews distinguished them from ordinary government records and deserved stronger privacy protection despite the public interest surrounding the investigation.

Promise Me, Dad

The recordings date back to 2016 and 2017, when author Mark Zwonitzer interviewed Biden while helping write his memoirs, including Promise Me, Dad, which focused on the illness and death of Biden’s eldest son, Beau. The recordings remained private until Special Counsel Robert Hur obtained them during his investigation into Biden’s handling of classified documents after leaving the vice presidency. Hur ultimately decided not to bring criminal charges, but his report generated intense political controversy after describing Biden as a «well-meaning, elderly man with a poor memory.» That assessment quickly became one of the most debated passages in the investigation and fueled calls from conservative groups and Republican lawmakers to obtain the underlying recordings through the Freedom of Information Act, arguing that the public should be able to evaluate for itself the evidence that shaped Hur’s conclusions.

The legal battle intensified after U.S. District Judge Dabney Friedrich ruled in June that the recordings could be released under the Freedom of Information Act. Biden’s lawyers immediately appealed the decision, arguing that the interviews were never intended for public distribution. They said the conversations were recorded inside Biden’s home while he was speaking openly with the writer helping prepare his memoirs. According to the legal filings, the recordings are comparable to personal journals or private communications rather than official government records. Biden’s legal team also stressed that he is now a private citizen and argued that releasing decades-old personal conversations would undermine the privacy protections normally available to individuals, especially when those discussions involve family matters that have no connection to public policy.

The Department of Justice took the opposite position throughout the case, arguing that the recordings have significant public value because they formed part of the evidence reviewed during Robert Hur’s high-profile investigation. Government lawyers maintained that the public has a legitimate interest in hearing the material that helped shape Hur’s decision not to seek criminal charges. Conservative organization The Heritage Foundation and several Republican lawmakers also sought access to the recordings through Freedom of Information Act requests, saying Americans should be able to independently evaluate the interviews that supported Hur’s findings. The dispute has therefore expanded beyond a simple records request and evolved into a broader debate over government transparency, personal privacy and the public’s right to examine evidence connected to one of the most closely watched federal investigations involving a former president.

Aug. 3

Although the appeals court ruled against Biden, the recordings will not be released immediately. The D.C. Circuit suspended enforcement of its decision until Aug. 3, giving Biden’s attorneys a final opportunity to seek additional judicial review. His legal team can ask the full D.C. Circuit to reconsider the case or file an emergency application with the U.S. Supreme Court in an effort to prevent disclosure. If neither court intervenes before the deadline, the Department of Justice will proceed with releasing the redacted audio recordings and transcripts to Congress and the public. Biden has not personally commented on the ruling, leaving his legal arguments to be presented entirely through court filings that continue to emphasize the private and deeply personal nature of the conversations, many of which include discussions about his family and the death of his son, Beau Biden.